en  fjoe 


^peeuii    ui    null. 
Conf  Pam  #646 


SPEECIl 


OF 


HON.  THOS.  S.  GHOLSON, 


O.F.V.IRGINIA, 


ON   THE 


POLICY  OF    EMPLOYING    NEGRO   TROOPS,   AND   THE 

DUTY  OP  ALL  CLASSES  TO  AID  IN  THE 

PROSECUTION  OF  THE  WAR. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Represeptatives  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  Statesj 
on  thejst  of  February,  18G5. 


RICHMOND: 

GEO.  P.  EVANS  &  CO.,  PRINTERS. 

1865. 


\^  / 


^X7««l 


c-r 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  THOS.  S.  GHOLSON, 


OF  VIRGINIA. 


Upon  the  introduction  of  reaolutions  to  the  eftect  that  while  we  should  be  readj  to  treat 
for  peace,  we  should  prepare  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigor,  by  placing  eyery  man 
liable  to  service  in  the  field,  and  ceasing  to  agitate  the  policy  of  employing  negro  troofS 
as  soldiers,  Mr.  Gholsok  rose  and  said: 

Mr.  Speaker: 

No  question  of  more  serious  import  has  been  agitated,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  present  war,  than  the  proposition,  lo  arm  and  employ 
our  slaves  as  soldiers  in  the  field.  That  they  may  be  jiuliciously  used 
in  building  fortifications,  and  as  teamsters,  cooks,  (fee,  will  not  be  con- 
troverted— indeed,  it  is  to  be  regretted,  that  they  have  not  already  been 
more  extensively  so  employed.  They  are  accustomed  to  such  service, 
and  could  be  kept  under  the  proper  discipline  and  control.  Every 
slave,  who  takes  the  place  of  a  soldier  engaged  in  driving  wagons, 
cooking,  ifec,  adds  another  musket  to  our  number.  It  is  obviously  not 
otily  proper,  but  our  duty  to  permit  no  "able  ^odied  man"  to  remain  in 
any  position,  the  duties  of  which  may  be  as  well  performed  by  a  slave. 
Let  our  authorities  therefore  see  to  it,  that  all  ^uch  positions  are  at  once 
filled  by  slaves,  and  that  the  legion  of  strong,  athletic  men,  who  are  even 
now,  to  be  found  all  over  the  country,  filling  unimportant  offices,  the 
duties  of  which  could  be  just  as  well  discharged  by  the  ''halt  or  lame," 
or  by  men  above  the  military  age,  are  immediately  sent  to  the  field,  and 
our  armies  would  be  able  to  drive  the  enemy  from  our  borders. 

But,  it  is  proposed  to  go  fiirther — to  put  arms  in  the  hands  of  our 
slaves,  and  fight  them  as  soldiers.  It  is  declared,  that  leading  individ- 
uals in  various  sections  of  the  Confederacy,  favour  the  proposition, 
while  several  of  our  prominent  newspapers  openly  advocate  the  policy. 
We  are  to  raise  a  vast  army  of  slaves — from  two  hundred  to  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand — arm  and  equip  them,  and  march  them  forth  to 
meet  our  enemies.  The  advocates  of  the  proposition,  seem  filled  with 
enthusiasm  on  the  subject,  and  promise  themselves  and  the  country  the 
most  happy  results. 

It  is  assumed,  that  slaves  will  make  good  and  reliable  soldiers — that 
some  slaves  w^ould,  need  not  be  denied,  but  that  our  slaves  generally 
will  make  reliable  soldiers,  the  advocates  of  the  measure,  are  not  war- 
ranted in  assuming.  I  regard  the  whole  scheme  with  deep  concern, 
and  have  the  strongest  convictions,  that  no  matter  in  what  aspect  it 
may  be  considered, 'it  is  unwise,  and  should  be  promptly  rejected. 


First.  It  is  an  expenment  on  a  grand  fcale,  and  would  virtually 
stake  our  success  in  this  great  struggle,  on  the  capacity  and  fidelity  of 
negro  soldiers.  For,  if  instead  of  keeping  our  white  men  in  the  field, 
and  sending  all  able  bodied  men  there,  who  are  now  at  home,  we 
should  make  so  large  a  portion  of  our  forces  to  consist  of  slaves,  we  ne- 
cessarily throw  on  them — the  slaves — to  a  considerable  extent,  the 
question  of  victory  or  defeat.  If  they  should  prove  true,  capable,  firm 
and  courageous  in  the  day  of  battle,  they  would  render  great  service — 
if  they  proved  deficient  in  these  qualities,  they  might  prove  our  ruin. 
The  bravest  and  best  disciplined  troops  have  had  victory  snatched  from 
them,  by  the  ignorance,  infidelity,  or  cowardice  of  the  incapable,  faith- 
less or  timid.      The  experiment  is  hazardous. 

Nature  seems  to  have  fitted  our  slaves,  as  a  race,  above  others,  for 
serv^ants.  They  are  loyal,  obedient,  submissive  and  grateful,  but  timid 
and  unstable  as  children.  Kept  at  home,  and  subjected  to  proper  dis- 
cipline, they  are  useful  and  happy.  Freed  from  restraint,  and  exposed 
to  evil  influences,  they  become  licentious  and  fanatical.  They  are 
credulous,  and  may  be  easily  deceived.  Let  the  facts  of  this  war  be 
consulted  for  confirmation  of  this.  Our  enemies  hoped,  and  all  Europe 
expected,  that  the  commencement  of  hostihties  would  be  followed  by 
the  Hisurrection  of  our  slaves,  and  deeds  too  black  and  horrible  to  be 
named.  Our  slaves  were  to  rise  up  and  conqtier  us,  if  our  enemies 
could  not.  War,  with  its  varying  fortunes,  has  now  existed  for  nearly 
four  years,  and  yet,  although  we  have  among  us,  more  than  three  mil- 
lions of  slaves,  there  has  been  no  insurrectit>n  or  attempt  at  insurrec- 
tion, while  life  and  property  have  been  more  secure — infinitely  more  se- 
cure with  us,  than  with  our  enemies.  Our  wives  and  children  have 
been  left  on  our  plantations — frequently  with  no  other  protection,  than 
that  afforded  by  our  slaves.  These  slaves  have  taken  care  of  our  prop- 
erty, cultivated  our  fields,  and  gathered  our  crops.  Their  loyalty  was 
never  more  conspicuous,  their  obedience  never  more  child hke.  These 
are  facts — indisputable  fa-its.     Let  the  world  ponder  them. 

\et,  as  already  stated,  they  are  credulous,  and  easily  misled.  Our 
enemies  have  made  to  such  of  them  as  they  could  reach  fair  promises, 
and  given  them  glowing  accounts  of  the  freedom  th^y  were  fighting  to 
confer  upon  them — of  the  land  of ''milk  and  honey"  into  which  they 
would  carry  them.  Credulous  creatures!  They  have  placed  confi- 
dence in  Yankee  promises.  Hence,  many  of  them  either  deserted  their 
homes,  or  else  were  made  willing  captives — and  now  have  liberty;  yes, 
in  the  words  of  Lord  Campbell,  ''liberty  to  starve."  Many  of  them 
have  already  escaped  from  their  liberty-bondage,  and  returned  to  their 
masters.  They  agree  in  declaring,  that  those,  who  have  escaped  t  >,  or 
been  captured  by  their  Yankee  friends,  with  very  ^qw  exceptions,  long 
to  return  to  their  masters  and  their  homes.  That  they  were  deceived, 
and  made  to  run  away  from  us,  does  not  show,  when  properly  consid- 
ered, that  they  are  not  loyal,  and  submissive  as  a  race.  It  does  show, 
that  they  are  credulous,  and  may  be  induced  to  do  at  one  moment,  what 
they  will  regret  in  the  next.  It  may,  if  you  please,  prove  more — that 
though  unfit  for  freedom,  they  can  be  deceived  by  faise  friends,  with 
the  idea  of  liberty.  But  the  fact  still  remains  notorious  and  indisputa- 
ble, that  with  more  than  three  millions  of  slaves  among  us,  in  the 
midst  of  a  war,  waged,  as  they  are  told,  for  their  emancipation,  they 


remain  faithful  and  obedient — commit  no  acts  of  violence  or  blood — 
that,  life  and  pn^perty  have  been  more  secure  among  us  during  the 
whole  time,  than  among  our  enemies,  who  boast,  tfiat  theij  have  no 
slai)es. 

Jt  is,  however,  because  the  slave  is  credulous  and  timid,  that  the  ex- 
periment proposed,  is  full  of  hnzard.  1  have  said,  that  nature  seemed 
to  hav^e  fitted  our  slaves  to  be  servants;  it  certainly  has  not  qualified 
them  for  war.  I  speak  of  them  as  a  race — not  of  exceptional  cases. 
They  are  fond  of  music,  and  sport  with  infinite  satisfaction  soldier 
clothes,  but  from  muskets  and  cannon,  they  pray  to  be  delivered. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  hold,  that  you  cannot  raise  and  educate  slaves 
to  become  soldiers.  In  making  the  exp  :riment  proposed,  we  should 
have  to  take  them  as  they  are — grown  up,  totally  ignorant  of  the 
use  of  fire-arms,  and  timid.  You  would  have  to  remove  this  ignorance 
and  overcome  this  timidity.  The  first,  you  could  accomplish  more 
readily  than  the  last,  but  it  may  well  be  asked,  how  long  it  would  re- 
quire to  make  a  raw  negro  a  capable  soldier?  How  long,  before  amass 
of  negro  troops  would,  in  the  day  of  battle,  be  free  from  panic?  1  re- 
peat, the  experiment  is  hazardous.  The  coolest,  bravest  troops 
are  not  always  able  to  withstand  the  influences  of  panic,  though 
they  may  have  done  nothing  to  produce  it.  Let  it  be  remembered,  that 
the  Yankees  cannot  trace  a  single  victory  during  this  war  to  their 
negp'>  troops,  while  on  the  contrary,  defeat  has  attended  them,  I  believe, 
on  all  occasions,  in  which  they  have  employed  the>n  as  soldiers.  How 
often,  have  wavering,  unreliable  troops, turned  victory  into  defeat? 

But,  suppose  you  make  them  brave — firm  in  their  courage — you  have 
not  yet  removed  their  credulity — their  liability  to  be  deceived  and  de- 
luded by  our  enemies.  If  each  man  could  have,  in  the  day  of  battle,  his 
slave  by  his  side,  he  could  protect  hmi  from  their  fraud  and  deception, 
but  this  would  be  impossible.  The  spies  and  secret  emissaries  of  the 
enemy,  would  be  continually  among  them,  producing  mischief  before 
we  apprehended  it — encouraging  them  to  infidelity  and  desertion — and 
when  they  fell  into  their  hands  as  prisoners  of  war,  who  can  believe, 
that  they  would  bo  able  to  resist  Yankee  fraud  and  cunning?  They 
arfe  averse  to  fighting.  Our  enemies  know  this,  and  would  promise  all 
deserters  not  only  their  ireedom,  but. exemption  from  military  duty. 
Would  ihey  stand  up,  face  danger  and  fight  for  us,  or  would  they  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  go  to  those  who,  professing  to  be  their  friends, 
promise  them  protection  from  their  masters,  and  freedom  from  all  the 
dangers  of  the  battle-field?  It  seems  to  me,  that  they  know  little  of 
the  negro  character,  who  wonld  expect  them  to  remain  firm  under  such 
circumstances.  They  would  desert  by  hundreds  and  thousands.  They 
would  go  to  avoid  danger,  if  for  notliing  else.  But  more  would  be 
promised — full  rations,  fine  clothes,  and  no  work.  Gentlemen  may  de- 
lude themselves,  but  whenever  the  experiment  is  made,  it  will  prove  to 
be  a  ''recruiting  service"  for  our  enemies.  It  will  weaken  our  own 
army. 

The  circumstances  under  which  we  should  introduce  our  slaves  into 
our  army,  are  so  entirely  ditrerenf,  from  those  under  which,  they  have 
ever  been  made  soldiers  before,  that  I  do  not  stop  to  review  historical 
references. 

I  need  not  enlarge  on  these  fruitful  suggestions.     TJiey  are  surely 


sufiicient,  however,  to  shew,  that  tlicrc  is  danger  in  the"]  < '^experi- 
ment." 

■  Second.  The  introduction  of  slaves  into  our  army,  would  not  only 
be  hazardous  for  the  reasons  stated,  but  it  would  be  offensive  to  many 
of  the  brave  men,  who  constitute  our  veteran  army.  To  make  a  slave 
a  good  soldier,  you  must  not  only  put  arms  in  his  hands;  you  must 
make  him  feel,  that  he  is  a  soldier.  You  can  not  fight  white  and  black 
in  the  same  army,  without  putting  tliem  on  the  same  footing.  You 
cannot  say,  how  long  you  will  fight  this  portion  of  your  army  on  one 
part  of  the  field,  and  that  portion  on  another  part.  You  must  be  gov- 
erned by  events,  as  they  occur — and  in  most  battles,  before  the  "victory 
is  lost  and  won,"  ditferent  portions  of  the  army  are  mixed  up  and 
brought  together.  Our  soldiers  have  been  brought  up  to  be'ieve — we 
ail  believe — the  negro  an  inferior  race.  Will  they  then  consent  to 
march  and  fight  with  this  inferior  race,  on  terms  of  equality?  If  you 
fight  black  and  white  on  the  same  field,  they  must  fight  together.  If 
they  conquer,  they  will  rejoice  over  their  victory  together — if  they  are 
defeated  and  captured,  they  must  be  prisoners  together — eat  and  sleep 
together.  White  and  black  prisoners,  captured  by  us  at  the  "explo- 
sion" at  Petersburg,  were  placed  in  the  same  hospital,  and  ocupied 
cots  adjoining  each  other.  They  must  be  subject  to  the  same  military 
law,  tried  by  the  same  courts-martial,  and  subjected  to  the  same  pun- 
ishment. 

If,  as  already  stated,  each  soldier  could  carry  his  own  slave — keep 
him  constantly  by  his  own  side,  inspire  him  by  his  presence  and  pro- 
tection, they  could  probably  be  fought  to  advantage,  and  the  relation  of 
master  and  slave  kept  up — but  this  can  not  be  done,  and  instead  of  the 
master  commanding  his  slave,  by  the  plan  proposed,  the  slave  would 
necessarily  be  made  his  equal,  and  lose  the  wholesome  influence  of  his 
authority. 

The  attempt  may  be  made,  to  fight  white  and  black  soldiers  together 
in  the  same  army,  and^still  keep  up  the  present  distinction  between 
them,  but  it  will  fail.  Ir cannot  be  d<nie.  If  the  army  are  opposed  to 
the  introduction  of  slaves  as  scldiers,  there  is  an  end  of  the  question.  I 
have  no  desire  to  make  any  plan  or  scheme  offensive  to  them,  which 
the  public  interests  may  require.  I  mention  these  obvious  facts,  to 
shew  that  you  can  not  make  this  scheme  otherwise  than  offensive  to 
them.  Let  every  man  who  has  felt  inclined  to  favour  this  experiment, 
ask  himself,  how  the  matter  is  to  be  arranged?  How  white  and  black 
can  be  fought  in  the  same  army,  without  placing  them  practically  on 
terms  of  equality?  Whether  our  soldiers  will  be  satisfied  to  fight 
through  this  war,  side  by  side  with  our  slaves?  Whether  they  desire 
these  sable  comrades?  Let  it  not  be  said,  it  is  a  mere  prejudice,  and 
will  soon  be  overcome.  It  is  a  prejudice,  which  has  "grown  with  their 
growth,  and  strengthened  with  their  strength."  They  feel  their  supe- 
riority, and  you  can  not  eradicate  the  "prejudice."  This  sense  of  su- 
periority makes  them  more  manly  in  their  conduct,  braver  in  the  field. 
Yon  should  not  eradicate  it,  if  you  could,  it  is  part  and  parcel  of  their 
character. 

Third.  To  the  slaves  introduced  into  our  army,  and  who  prove 
faithful,  the  boon  of  freedom  is  to  be  given  at  the  termination  of  the 
war»    What  is  this  but  aboUtion  ?    The  proposition  is,  "go  into  our  ar- 


rai«s — fight  our  enemies — fight  bravely,  and  when  peace  comeu,  we 
will  make  ynu  free."  Then,  liberty  to  the  slave  is  a  boon.  Is  not  this 
precisely  what  the  abolitionist  holds?  And  is  it  not  for  this  boon,  that 
he  calls  upon  the  slave  to  come  and  fight  with  him,  against  his  master? 
Does  he  not  proclaim  him  free,  not  at  the  termination  of  the  war,  but 
now — as  soon  as  he  deserts  his  master?  Is  it  not  a  surrender  of  the 
ground,  on  which  we  defend  slavery?  We  hold,  that  freedom  to  the 
slave  is  a  curse,  that  all  experience  has  shown  him  Incapable  of  self- 
government — that,  if  left  to  himself,  he  would  return  to  a  state  of  bar- 
barism— that  liberty  to  him  as  a  race,  is  simply  liberty  to  starve — that 
they  are  and  ever  have  been  "children" — that  we  have  no  more  right 
to  turn  them  loose — give  them  their  own  way,  than  we  would  have  to 
permit  our  children  to  go  without  restraint — to  do  as  they  please.  But, 
we  are  now  to  declare  by  our  conduct,  that  we  have  been  insincere  and 
hypocritical  in  these  solemnly  proclaimed  convictions,  or  else,  that  we 
propose  to  reward  our  soldier-slaves  by  a  curse,  and  not  by  a  blessing — 
that  instead  of  giving  them  an  egg,  we  desire  to^give  them  a  serpent. 

If  we  have  been  in  error  heretofore — if  hberty  to  our  slaves  be  really 
a  boon — if  they  really  be  fit  and  qualified  for  liberty,  and  should  receive 
it  as  a  merited  reward  for  mil itar>^ service,  then  we  surrender  the  whole 
question,  and  should  forthwith  emaucipate  them.  For  whenever  it  is 
made  to  appear,  that  our  slaves  are  prepared  for  freedom,  and  would  be 
happier  by  reason  of  being  free,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  detain  them  no 
longer — and  though  we  may  have  inherited  them,  or  purchased  them 
with  our  money,  we  are  oppressors,  if  we  still  hold  them  in  bondage. 
Our  theory  and  our  conviction  have  been,  that  the  restraint  we  impose, 
afibrds  them  the  only  liberty  they  have  ever  enjoyed — that  is,  freedom 
from  the  dominion  and  vices  of  the  barbarian.  When  we  surrender 
this  ground,  the  abolitionist  gains  a  triumph,  and  the  argument  is  con- 
cluded. Surely,  those  who  favour  this  experiment,  have  not  reflected 
on  these  things. 

Some,  who  advocate  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  army,  per- 
ceivuig  these  results,  do  not  propose  emancipation  as  a  reward  for  faith- 
ful services.  They  are  surely  more  consistent,  than  their  associates  in 
the  scheme,  although  the  abolitionists  would  declare,  that  they  we.-e 
making  the  slave  fight  for  his  chains.  But  the  number  of  these  is  small. 
The  plan  is,  that  we  are  to  reward  them  at  the  termination  of  the  war, 
with  their  freedom. 

And  suppose  the  war  ended — our  independence  achieved — that  tho 
slaves  carried  into  the  war  have  proved  faithful;  that  they  have  remained 
with  us  and  fought  for  prospective  freedom,  rather  than  deserted  to  our 
enemies  and  received  present  freedom,  what  then  is  to  become  of  these 
freed  men?  We  surely  will  not  deny  them  a  home,  in  the  land  they 
have  defended— so,  we  should  have  a  large  number  of  free  negroes  scat- 
tered over  the  several  States.  We  shall  have  conceded,  that  they  are 
worthy  of  freedom.  No  State  could  deny  to  their  black  soldiers,  liberty 
to  remain  within  their  limits,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  provisions  of 
their  present  constitutions  on  that  subject.  What  shall  become  of  their 
wives  and  children?  Shall  they  remain  slaves,  while  their  husbands 
and  fathers,  who  have  fought  for  our  liberties  and  their  homes,  are  per- 
mitted to  become  wandering  vagabonds,  and  finally  die  of  starvation — 
having  by  their  valour,  earned  the  glorious  ^'liberty  to  starve?"    Or 


8 

shall  we  give  liberty  to  (heir  wives  and  children,  and  thus  make  our 
black  population  part  free  and  part  slave  ?  What  then  would  be  the 
condition  of  our  country  ?  Who  would  consent  to  live  in  it?  What 
would  become  of  slavery?  What  would  be  the  character  of  the  re- 
turned negro-soldiers,  made  familiar  with  the  use  of  fire-arms,  and 
taught  by  us,  that  freedom  was  worth  fighting  for?  In  many  sections 
of  the  country,  the  two  races  could  not  continue  together.  According 
to  the  census  of  1860,  the  white  population  of  five  of  the  counties, 
composing  my  Congressional  District,  was  13,792,  the  black  population 
31,228.  I  allude  to  the  counties  of  Prince  George,  Nottoway,  Amelia, 
Powhatan  and  Cumberland.  There  would  be  near  6000  male  slaves, 
between  the  ages  of  18  and  45.  If  150  or  200,000  slaves  were  put  into 
the  army,  it  would  require,  as  I  will  shew  hereafter,  at  least  half 
between  those  ages — so,  that  from  the  five  counties  named,  there  would 
be  taken  about  3000  male  slaves.  Suppose  only  2000  of  this  number 
are  returned,  after  having  feughtas  well  and  bravely,  as  the  friends  of 
the  scheme  promise  themselves,  we  should  then  have  some  400 
free  negro  soldiers,  in  each  of  these  counties.  We  shall  have  taught 
them,  as  already  stated,  the  use  of  fire-arms,  and  that  liberty  is  worth 
fighting  for.  They  will  have  learned,  the  power  of  combination,  and 
Iiave  their  minds  set  on  mustering  and  guns.  Naturally  averse  to  la- 
bour, they  will  have  become  indolent  and  mischievous.  They  will  be 
without  restraint,  and  ready  for  all  excesses.  Here  let  the  curtain  drop. 
Objections  multiply  as  we  advance,  and  1  can  do  but  little  more,  than 
suggest  them. 

Fourth.  By  the  conscription  of  slaves,  we  shall  surrender  every 
ground,  assumed  by  us  on  the  subject,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war.  We  denounced  our  enemies  and  invoked  upon  them  the  indig- 
nation of  every  generous  mind.  We  declared,  that  we  would  never, 
under  any  circumstances,  recognize  their  right  to  arm  our  slaves  against 
us — that  their  conduct  in  this  respect  was  wicked  and  diabolical— that 
no  necessity  should  induce  us  to  treat  our  own  slaves  as  prisoners  of 
war.      '  '- 

We  are  now  to  follow  their  example  and  meet  them  on  the  field  with 
negro  troops.  True,  they  could  not  complain.  It  would  be  just  to- 
wards them.  But,  if  we  make  soldiers  of  our  slaves,  we  shall  be  bound 
by  every  principle  of  justice  and  humanity,  to  claim  for  them  the  rights 
of  soldiers — that  in  case  of  capture  by  the?  enemy,  they  are  to  be  treated 
as  prisoners  of  war.  We  shall  thereby  acknowledge  a  corresponding 
right  on  the  })art  of  the  enemy.  There  will  no  longer  be  any  contro- 
versy with  <'Beast  Butler"  about  the  exchange  of  negro  troops.  We 
shall  have  settled  that  question.  Our  enemies  may  entice  our  slaves 
away  to-day,  place  them  in  battle  against  us  to-morrow — we  may  cap- 
ture them,  and  should  have  no  right  to  detain  and  hand  them  over  to 
their  masters  We  shall  have  placed  negro  troops  on  the  same  footing, 
with  white  troops.  Thus,  we  shall  have  backed  down  from  every  posi- 
tion assumed  by  us,  in  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

Fifth.  It  would  be  a  confession  of  weakness  on  our  part,  which 
would  inspire  the  enemy  wiih  renewed  confidence,  and  induce  greater 
exertions.  For  they  would  then  really  believe,  what  they  have  hereto- 
fore, so  frequently  declared  without  believing,  that  the  rebellion  was  on 
''its  last  legs."  A  shout  of  rejoicing  would  go  up  from  all  yaukeedom.; 


9 

and  we  should  hear  from  every  hill  and  valle^,  ''we  have  conquered 
slavery."  It  would  enable  them  to  raise  troops  without  number,  for 
their  men  would  be  made  to  believe,  that  all  they  had' to  do,  was  to 
march  forth  and  take  possession  of  the  "goodly  land."  It  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose,  as  many  do,  that  our  enemy  are  alarmed  at  the  idea  of  our 
arming  slaves.     They  would  rejoice  at  it. 

Sixth.  And  there  is  another  objection  to  the  experiment — one, 
which  ordinary  prudence  will  not  permit  us  to  overlook,  or  lightly  to 
consider.  I  allude  to  the  effect,  which  the  abstraction  of  so  large  a 
number  of  able-bodied  slaves  would  have  on  the  production  of  sup- 
plies. There  are  but  few  localities  in  the  country,  in  which  any  con- 
siderable surplus  of  provisions  is  raised,  and  our  means  of  transporta- 
tion are  so  limited,  and  so  liable  to  interruption,  that  we  can  not  safely 
rely  upon  distant  points  for  the  support  of  our  armies  and  people.  Ne- 
cessity, therefore,  requires  every  section  to  raise  as  large  crops  as  its 
means  will  allow.  And  I  surely  need  not  remind  this  House,  that 
heretofore  we  have  had  great  difficulty  in  so  distributing  the  products 
of  the  country,  as  to  prevent  want  in  the  army  and  among  the  people. 
How  vain  it  would  be,  to  marshall  a  large  army,  and  then  be  com- 
pelled to  disband  it  for  the  want  of  food,  while  we  heard  the  cries  of 
women  and  children,  begging  for  bread  ?  If  we  had  surplus  labour — 
if  we  produced  more  bread  and  meat  than  were  necessary,  then  we 
could  afford  to  spare  labour,  but  if  our  supplies  have  been  limited,  and 
if  they  are  to  be  further  diminished  by  the  withdrawal  from  our  fields  of  a 
large  number  of  the  best  labourers,  to  be  used  on  fortifications,  as 
cooks,  teamsters,  6cc.,  (a  measure  to  which  there  is  but  little  opposi- 
tion,) it  becomes  us  seriously  to  inquire,  whether  it  is  safe  to  make  a 
still  further  draft  upon  the  labour  of  the  country,  to  try  such  an  exper- 
iment as  that  proposed. 

And  in  the  consideration  of  this  question,  it  will  not  do  to  prove  by 
figures,  that  we  shall  have  supplies  in  abundance.  They  must  be 
available.  What  will  it  profit  the  army  and  people  of  Virginia  to  know 
that  there  is  corn  to  spare  in  Northern  Mississippi,  unless  it  can  be 
transported  to  Virginia?  And  if  we  could 'with  our  present  means 
transport  supplies  for  the  army,  we  could  not  do  so  for  the  people,  gen- 
erally, and  hence  the  absolute  necessity  for  producing  the  necessary 
supplies  in  the  different  sections  of  the  country. 

The  employment  of  slaves  as  teamsters  and  cooks,  and  upon  our  for- 
tifications, commends  itself  to  our  approbation,  because  we  see  them 
performing  service  appropriate  for  slaves,  and  know  that  we  are  thereby 
able  to  send  reliable  soldiers  into  the  field;  but  when  we  take  them 
from  the  plough,  and  put  arms  into  their  hands,  we  know  that  we  shall 
produce  less  bread  and  meat,  while  we  have  no  assurance  that  we  add 
available  and  trusty  soldiers  to  our  ranks. 

The  question  of  supplies  involves  the  existence  of  our  army.  Food 
is  as  indispensable  as  men,  and  we  should  act  unwisely  to  increase  the 
numb«ir  of  the  one,  by  endangering  the  sufficjency  of  the  other.  Let 
those  who  woul  J  treat  this  view  lightly,  remember  the  great  scarcity 
of  provisions  during  the  last  year,  and  how  often  we  have  been  pained 
to  hear  that  our  army  was  on  short  rations. 

The  number  of  able-bodied  slaves  now  in  the  Confederacy,  and 
which  could  be  controled  for  miUiary  service,  is  much  exaggerated. 


10 

The  whole  number  of  male  slaves  in  the  Confederacy,  according  to  tlie 
census  of  1860,  was  1,930,089.  From  this  niimber  must  be  deducted 
for  Arkansas,  Florida,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Louisiana,  Tennessee  and 
Texas,  657,434,  and  for  the  losses  sustained  in  Mississippi,  60,000, 
Virginia,  90,000,  North  Camlina,  40,000,  South  CaroMna,  20,000, 
Georgia,  50,000,  Alabama,  20,000,  This  would  leave  the  slave  popu- 
lation, from  which  we  could  draw  men,  not  more  than  1,000,000.  Of 
course  this  calculation  is  not  accurate,  and  in  the  nature  of  the  case, 
could  not  be  accurate,  but  I  think  it  near  enough  the  mark  for  the  pur- 
pose. The  Trans-Mississippi  States  are  not  included,  because  while  they 
would  not  be  needed  there,  they  could  not  be  brought  over  to  be  usei 
on  this  side.  Of  this  number  I  think  it  may  be  assumed,  that  there 
are  males  between  the  ages  of  18  and  45,  335,000.  From  which 
deduct  40,000,  who  are  to  be  employed  upon  fortifications,  and  as  team- 
sters, cooks,  <fcc.,  and  there  would  be  left  less  than  300,000.  Vir- 
ginia has  a  white  population  of  upwards  of  a  million,  by  the  census  of 
1860,  and  there  was,  according  to  the  computation  of  the  Auditor, 
168,000  males  between  the  ages  of  18  and  45,  and  I  have  arrived 
at  the  number  of  black  males  betv/een  the  same  ages,  by  adopting  the 
same  ratio. 

We  have  drawn  heavily  upon  our  white  population  to  make  up  our 
armies,  because  we  could  rely  upon  our  slaves  to  raise  the  necessary 
supplies.  It  IS  now  proposed  to  go  among  the  slaves,  and  make  sol- 
diers of  them.  Certainly  no  necessity,  present  or  future,  will  justify 
such  a  policy,  until  it  is  shown  beyond  peradventure,  that  we  shall 
have  the  means  of  feeding  our  army.  Kotwithslanding  our  enemies 
have  robbed  us  of  many  of  our  slaves,  it  is  unquestionably  true,  that 
thus  far,  they  have  proved  an  element  of  strength.  Without  slaves  to 
cultivate  our  fields,  we  could  not  have  carried  so  many  of  our  white 
men  into  the  army.  As  long  as  we  keep  them  at  the  plough,  they  will 
remain  an  element  of  strength.  When  we  convert  the  plough-share 
into  the  musket,  whether  they  will  help  us  to  whip  the  enemy,  who 
now  enable  us  to  feed  oi^.r  ami)'-,  is  a  question  too  doubtful  to  justify 
a  mere  experiment. 

There  are  some  errors  which  may  be  corrected,  while  there  are  others 
which  are  irremediable.  Let  us  beware,  lest  in  our  anxiety  to  increase 
our  army,  we  fail  to  feed  it. 

And  there  is  yet  another  difficulty,  and  that,  too,  of  a  grave  and 
delicate  nature.  The  Confederate  Government  has  no  authority  over 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States.  Each  State  manages  and  con- 
trols it,  in  its  own  way.  The  Confederate  Government  has  not  a  foot 
of  land  upon  which  to  bury  a  slave,  much  less  to  settle  him,  after  he  is 
liberated.  Surely  it  would  not  rush  blindly  into  the  employment  of 
negro  troops,  engaging  to  liberate  them  at  the  termination  of  the  war, 
without  having  first  made  some  arrangement  with  the  several  States  on 
the  subject  I  Is  it  certain  that  necessary  terms  could  be  made  with  all 
the  States?  Such  States  as  approved  the  introduction  of  slaves  into 
the  army,  could  not  refuse  them  a  home  after  the  war.  But  what  would 
be  the  course  of  such  as  believed  the  whole  scheme  unwise  and  dan- 
gerous? Suppose  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  approve  the  measure, 
and  not  only  consent  to  the  emancipation  of  such  of  their  slaves  as  may 
be  put  in  the  army,  but  agree   that  after   the  ^var  they  shall  remain 


11 

within  their  borders,  what  shall  be  done  if  Georgia  and  South  Carolina 
condemn  it,  and  refuse  them  a  home  after  the  war?  Or  suppose  the 
States  this  side  the  MissiiJsippi  embrace  the  plan  recommended,  and 
make  all  necessary  pledges,  but  that  the  Trans-Mississippi  States  reject 
it,  and  enter  into  no  engagements,  what  course  is  there  to  be  pur- 
sued ? 

I  suggest  BO  doubt  as  to  the  power  of  the  Government  to  employ  ne- 
gro troops.  The  public  safety  justifies  the  conscription  of  every  white 
man  able  to  bear  arms.  It  would  of  course  justify  the  conscription  of 
every  slave — the  employment  of  every  instrument — of  all  means  within 
our  power.  The  slave  may  be  used  to  drive  teams,  to  build  fortifica- 
tions— to  fight,  if  you  please.  But  the  power  of  the  government  con- 
tinues no  longer  than  the  public  safety  requires  it.  As  soon  as  the  ne- 
cessity ceases,  the  power  ceases.  The  Government  may  properly  con- 
scribe  slaves  for  the  public  defence,  but  not  for  the  purpo.se  of  defence, 
and  subsequent  emancipation.  The  Government  has  claimed  no  power 
to  purchase  and  liberate,  without  the  assent  of  the  States — and  an  ex- 
amination of  the  President's  message,  and  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  to  which  the  message  lefers,  will  show  that  no  such  power  is 
claimed. 

The  States  alone  have  power  of  emancipation;  and  if  the  slave  must 
be  liberated,  or  promised  liberation  before  he  will  fight,  it  follows  that  the 
States  alone  can  make  him  an  available  soldier,  and  that  State  action 
must  precede  that  of  the  Confederate  Government.  Nothing,  therefore, 
short  of  united  and  harmonious  action  on  the  part  of  the  several  States, 
could  give  efficacy  and  success  to  the  experiment. 

1  do  not  treat  this  as  a  question  of  property.  It  is  not  that  men  are 
unwilling  to  surrender  their  property jpi|ii' is  because  they  are  convinced 
that  the  use  proposed  to  be  made  of  it  is  fearfully  dangerous.  No 
patriot  who  realizes  the  magnitude  of  the  struggle,  and  the  interests  at 
stake,  would  hesitate  for  a  moment  to  dedicate  all  that  he  has  to  the 
service  of  his  country.  For,  who  that  is  a  man,  would  count  himself 
rich,  though  he  could  point  to  his  broad  acres,  and  see  hills  and  val« 
leys  covered  with  his  herds,  if  he  were  the  slave  of  a  grinding  despot- 
ism, and  subject  to  the  taunts  and  insults  of  an  insolent  foe?  What 
is  property  without  a  country?  He  has  no  country,  who  has  no 
liberty.  . 

Who  then  will  stop  to  count  or  value  property  ?  If  the  country  need 
It,  let  it  go — lands,  houses,  slaves,  life  itself — are  worth  nothing  now, 
except  so  far  as  they  may  assist  and  help  in  this  life-struggle.  If  my 
country  take  my  property  to  save  my  honour  and  liberty,  and  that  of 
my  family — if  the  enemy  invade,  capture,  and  destroy  it,  1  shall  have 
no  cause  to  reproach  myself.  I  shall  not  have  wasted  it  by  bad  man- 
agement, or  in  indolence  and  ease.  If  my  country  be  free,  1  shall  be 
rich,  though  I  have  not  a  penny.  I  shall  feel  that  I  am  a  welcome 
guest  in  every  good  man's  house.  Poverty  shall  never  cause  a  blush, 
and  the  recollection  of  losses  shall  give  me  no  pain.  I  shall  live  out 
the  brief  period  which  may  be  vouchsafed  me,  a  free  man,  and  die 
leaving  my  children  and  grand-children  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  price- 
less boon  of  freedom,  and  bequeathing  to  them,  at  least,  I  trust,  an 
honest  name. 

But  aU  Uie  objections  to  the  measure  have  not  yet  been  statefl.    Not 


Id 

long  since,  this  House  adopted  with  great  unanimity,  Mr.  Trenholm's 
currency  scheme.  The  basis  of  this  scheme  is  the  products  of  slave 
labour.  Cotton,  corn  and  wheal  are  "immutably  pledged"  to  the  re- 
demption of  our  Treasury  notes.  Where  are  these  to  come  from,  if 
you  take  the  negro  from  our  fields,  and  place  him  in  the  army?  It  may- 
be said  you  will  take  only  a  portion  of  the  able-bodied  men.  But  the 
first  step  will  have  been  taken,  and  confidence  have  been  lost.  One 
step  will  be  followed  by  another.  The  institution  of  slavery  will  be 
doomed,  and  all  the  credit  it  gives  will  be  gone.  Its  money  value  has 
heretofore  been  immense,  while  the  annual  pr<»ducts  made  us  rich. 
This  money  value  will  be  destroyed,  and  these  products  soon  become 
so  small,  as  hardly  to  support  our  population.  However  this  may  be, 
it  can  hardly  be  controverted,  that  the  employment  of  slaves  in  our 
army  would  be  the  death  of  Mr.  Trenholm's  currency  measure.  Our 
currency  would  become  worthless,  and  we  should  have  no  credit.  In 
such  a  condition,  what  could  be  done? 

With  these  grave  objections  to  the  measure,  and  these  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  its  execution,  it  seems  to  me,  the  agitation  of  the  subject  was 
unfortunate.  For,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  it  has  had  a  most  depress- 
ing influence  upon  the  popular  mind  in  many  sections  of  the  country. 
It  has  been  regarded  as  an  admission  by  our  authorities,  that  we  were 
reduced  to  an  extremity;  and  the  conviction  (more  general  than  is  sup- 
posed) that  the  proposed  measure,  so  far  from  affording  relief,  would 
only  increase  our  difficulties  and  embarrassments,  has  produced  a  pain- 
ful despondency.  Men's  hearts  failed  them,  when  it  was  seriously 
proposed  to  employ  negro  troops,  Avho  had  never  desponded  before.  I 
regret  to  be  compelled  thus  to  speak,  but  I  am  dealing  with  a  question 
of  great  magnitude,  and  the  triftfi"^  though  painful,  must  be  spoken. 

There  are  men  of  intelligence  and  worth,  who  not  only  favour  the 
measure,  but  entertain  little  or  no  doubt,  that  our  slaves,  if  put  into 
the  army,  will  turn  for  us  (he  tide  of  battle.  But  prudence  would  sug- 
gest, that  no  matter  how  great  their  confidence,  it  would  be  unwise, 
even  if  they  had  the  power  to  do  so,  to  hazard  an  experiment  of  such 
;a  delicate,  yet  momentous  character,  against  the  judgment  and  senti- 
ments of  so  large  a  portion  of  the  community. 

If,  however,  the  measure  is  to  be  adopted — the  experiment  to  be 
made — it  should  be  done  without  delay.  It  has  been  shown  that 
much  must  be  done  before  it  can  be  tried.  I  repeat,  let  there  be  no 
delay,  but  let  us  go  about  it  with  earnest  activity  and  determined  en- 
ergy. The  States  have  to  be  consulted — the  negroes  to  be  purchased 
or  conscribed,  and  trained.  We  have  not  a  minute  to  spare.  If  we 
are  ever  to  employ  them  as  soldiers,  let  us  do  so  now,  and  make  the 
.war  ''sharp  and  decisive."  If,  on  the  contrary,  we  are  not  to  resort  to 
this  extreme  alternative,  let  it  be  known  at  once;  so  that  the  painful 
and  depressing  agitation  may  not  longer  be  continued.  If  those,  who 
see  safety  and  independence  in  negro  troops  are  to  be  disappointed,  let 
them  know  it,  so  that  their  minds  and  energies  may  be  turned  to  such 
measures  as  will  recruit  our  armies,  and  provide  for  their  support  and 
comfort.  If  those,  who  have  regarded  the  introduction  of  slaves  into 
our  army  as  an  omen  of  disaster  and  misfortune,  are  to  be  relieved  of 
their  apprehensions,  do  not  delay  to  revive  their  hopes  and  confidence. 
Let  the  UDprofitable  and  mischievous  agitation  cease  iorever,  and  all 


19 

classes  start  afresh,  with  an  unalterable  determination  to  "spend  and 
be  spent"  in  the  defence  of  our  altars  and  our  homes. 

Prompt  and  definite  actitni  is  necessaiy  for  anoti.er  reason.  Our 
slaves  are  now  riiiiuitig  away  from  apprehension  that  they  ire  to  be 
put  in  the  army,  yhey  are  opposed  to  fighting.  They  preferred  to 
remain  at  their  honies  when  there  was  danger  of  being  forced  to  fight 
if  they  went  to  the  enemy,  while  nothing  of  the  kind  was  proposed 
among  us  But  since  the  a<jitation  of  the  subject  here,  they  have  be- 
come alarmed,  atid  fearitig  that  we  will  force  them  into  the  army,  are 
daily  making  their  escape.  This  information  I  receive  from  various 
sources.  It  is  iu  accordance  with  the  negro  character.  In  order  to 
escape  present  danger,  they  will  run  the  hazard  of  even  much  more 
serious  dangers  in  the  future.  All  know  this  who  understand — are 
familiar  with  the  race.  Placed  in  difficulties — threatened  with  suffer- 
ing or  punishment,  there  is  no  confession  they  will  not  make — no 
promise  they  will  not  give.  The  h<ipe  of  present  deliverance  controuls 
their  words  and  actions.  If,  therefore,  you  intend  to  make  them  sol- 
diers, take  them  before  they  run  away;  if  you  do  not,  so  declare,  and 
let  them  remain  at  home. 

But,  it  is  asked,  shall  we  not  arm  and  fight  our  slaves,  rather  than 
be  subjugated?  This  is  begging  the  question.  It  is  assumed  that  wo 
shall  be  subjugated,  unless  we  arm  and  fight  our  slaves.  The  assump- 
tion is  not  true.  We  are  not  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  staking  our 
salvation  on  the  capacity  and  fidelity  of  negro  troops.  We  have  "stout 
hearts  and  strong  arms"  enough  to  drive  back  our  enemies.  They 
occupy  less  of  our  territory  than  Uiey  did  twelve  months  ago.  If  they 
have  marched  through  the  heart  of  Georgia,  they  have  been  driven 
from  the  Trans-Mississippi  and  othei?  sections.  If  we  have  met  with 
reverses,  so  have  victories  crowned  our  arms.  Our  forces  are  being 
recruited,  and  our  soldiers  enjoy  good  health.  Our  fields  have  been 
fruitful,  and  no  disease  has  scourged  our  land.  If  our  people  remain 
firm — if  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  there  is  no  cause  for  despondency. 
We  believe-  our  cause  just — our  enemies  faithless  and  cruel.  The 
struggle  is  gigantic — the  prize  priceless.  The  contest  may  yet  con- 
tinue— the  issue  is  not  doubtful.  We  may  have  more  to  endure. 
More  of  our  brave  men  may  be  called  upon  to  seal  their  devotion  to 
their  country,  with  their  blood.  iMore  widows  and  orphans  may  be 
added  to  the  already  fearful  number.  But  let  there  be  no  quailing 
among  us.  Without  all  this,  those  who  fall,  as  well  as  those  who  sur- 
vive, would  be  slaves  of  the  most  cruel  and  heartless  tyranny.  Those 
costly,  but  noble  sacrifices  are  the  price  of  freedom.  Liberty  is  the 
child  of  oppression,  and  has  ever  been  baptized  in  the  blood  of  the 
brave. 

Let  it  not  be  asked,  whether  we  will  not  arm  our  slaves,  rather  than 
be  subjugated?  Every  true  man  will  do  any  thing — make  any  sacrifice, 
rather  than  fail  in  onr  present  struggle — yea,  sacrifice  life  itself;  for 
failure  would  be  worse  than  death.  But  let  us  take  care  that  in  our 
impatience,  we  are  not  driven  into  doubtful  and  ruinous  experiments. 
Privation  and  want,  pain  and  suffering,  affliction  and  sorrow  are  bless- 
ings, when  compared  with  humiliation  and  shame.  We  may  pasy 
through  the  "fiery  furnace"  and  come  out  refined,  but  the  flood  of 
<< Yankee  notions"  and  Yankee  rule  would  consume  and  destroy  us. 


14 

Let  us  therefore  accept  with  humble  submission,  whatever  further 
trials  Providence  may  have  in  store  for  us,  as  a  people.  Let  us  do  so 
with  a  sure  trust,  and  abiding  faith,  that  ''the  right  shall  prevail." 
And  though  storm  and  tempest  cnntiiiue,  and  the  night  be  dark  and 
dismal,  the  morning  shajl  presently  come,  and  bring  with  it  the  light 
of  cloudless  day.  Then  shall  it  be  manifest,  that  Liberty  is  cheap, 
though  purchased  with  blood. 

I  have  already  said,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  it  would  be  right  to  arm  our 
slaves  against  our  enemies.  My  opposition  to  the  scheme  arises  from 
no  scruple  of  that  kind.  Why,  sir,  there  is  no  power,  no  influence,  no 
instrument  I  would  nnt  bring  to  bear  against  them.  Why  should  we 
hesitate?  They  have  faithlessly  and  wantonly  come  among  us  with 
fire  and  sword.  They  have  broken  down  our  hedges, 'stolen  our  prop- 
erty, burned  our  houses  over  the  heads  of  our  wives  and  children,  des- 
ecrate'd  our  altars,  attempted  to  incite  our  slaves  to  rise  up  and  cut  our 
throats,  murdered  our  men  and  insulted  and  dishonored  our  women. 
Scruple  to  employ  any  agency  against  them  !  Why,  sir,  if  I  had  power 
over  all  the  beasts  of  the  forest,  I  would  plant  myself  on  Plymouth 
Rock,  gather  them  together  from  all  the  corners  of  the  earth,  into  one 
grand  menagerie,  and  turn  them  loose  to  devour  and  destroy  the  puri- 
tanical hypocrites.  1  might,  perhaps,  give  notice  to  the  ''ten  just  men" 
(if  there  be  so  many)  to  flee  for  their  lives.  I  remember,  while  I  speak 
this,  that  the  Almighty  has  taid  that  "vengeance"  is  his.  I  would 
destroy  them  to  save  my  own  people,  and  feel  that  I  was  rendering  ser- 
vice to  my  kind.  For  while  the  pure,  unadulterated,  New  England 
Yankee,  who,  for  conscience  sa/je^^^always  meddling  with  other  peo- 
ple's business  is  on  the  earth,  th^S^ll  be  strife  and  contention.  We 
are  taught,  that  when  the  millefflmim  comes,  there  will  be  peace  and 
good  will.  As  long  as  this  Yankee  race  exists  and  retain  their 
present  dispositions,  it  may  be  known,  that  happy  period  doth  not  ap- 
proach. 

But,  we  are  told,  that  distinguished  Generals  favour  the  employment 
of  slaves  as  soldiers.  Were  our  Generals  to  recommend  ti  particular 
military  movement,  it  would  be  immodest — presumptuous  in  mere  civ- 
ilians to  criticise  such  movement;  but  the  propriety  of  taking  slaves 
from  the  field,  and  putting  arms  into  their  hands,  may  be  discussed  and 
decided  as  well  by  civilians  as  military  men.  Whether  they  can  be 
spared  from  the  labour  of  the  country,  and  whether  they  will  make 
capable  and  trusty  soldiers  or  not,  are  questions,  which  require  for  their 
proper  consideration  and  decision,  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  wants 
of  our  people  and  army,  and  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  negro 
character.  Civilians  and  military  men  agree,  that  we  should  have  a 
larger  army.  Whether  it  is  safe  and  judicious,  to  attempt  to  increase 
it,  by  the  introduction  of  slaves,  is  a  question,  which  civilians  are,  per- 
haps, quite  as  well  qualified  to  decide  as  military  men.  Surely  no  Gen- 
eral can  speak  on  the  subject,  with  such  authority,  as  to  make  it  my 
duty,  to  give  up  my  conviction,  that  by  the  employment  of  negro 
troops,  we  should  add  no  strength  to  ourarmy,  while  we  would  jeopard 
our  supplies,  and  inaugurate  a  policy  which  would  shake,  if  not  destroy 
the  very  foundations  of  our  social  system. 

We  are  told,  if  we  do  not  take  the  slaves  and  put  them  in  the  army, 
the  enemy  will.  This  proves  too  much;  for  if  It  be  true,  then  we  should 


•  15      *    * 

tak«  every  slave  cnpablo  of  bearing  arms.    If  u-e  left  half,  they  would 
take  them. 

When  it  shall  bo  established,  that  slaves  can  bo  relied  upon  to  fij^ht 
for  us,  and  necessity  requires  it,  I  would  not,  of  course,  hesitate  to  arm 
thcui  and  put  every  one  in  tho  army,  who  could  be  aprin\i  from  agri- 
culture, and  I  would  send  tho  old  and  feeble*  men  home  from  the  army, 
to  make  jirovisions,  and  put  slaves  in  their  stead. 

flnt,  it  is  saiil,  <'you  agree,  that  our  army  should  bo  increased,  and 
yet  yon^  oppose  the  employment  of  slaves.  How  do  you  expect  or  pro- 
pose to  prosecute  tlie  war?"  I\lr.  JSpenkcr,  I  claim  no  military  knowl- 
edge— do  not  speak  as  n  militnn,^  mm\ — but  it  is  ra.'^y  to  tell  wliat  I 
would  do;  VVe  have  an  army  now  in  the  field,  much  larger,  than  the 
combined  forces  of  Wellington  and  Xapoleon,  at  the  battle  of  Waterloo. 
I  would  nurse  this  army — feed  it  well — clothe  it  well,  and  pay  it  regu- 
larly. I  would  increase  its  numbers,  by  conducting  the  business^  of 
conscription,  in  such  manner,  as  to  send  to  the  fieUl  at  once,  all,  who 
should  fight  for  ns,  and  send  home  at  once,  all,  who  are  nnable  to  fight, 
and  can  do  more  for  us  at  home,  than  in  the  field;  and  thus  save  them 
from  annoyances,  delays  and  vexations,  which  arc  enough  to  make  the 
sonl  side.  To  this  end,  I  \vonld  utterly  destroy  tlie  present  system.  In 
addition  to  this,  I  would  appoint  a  commission  of  three  from  each  Stale, 
to  consist  of  men  above  the  military  age,  of  kr>own  virtue  and  intelli- 
gence and  firmness,  and  give  them  authority  to  go  to  every  post  and 
county  in  their  State,  and  to  call  up  every  man  attached  to  the  various 
departments,  and'  to  order  directly  into  the  field,  all  who,  !)y  law  ought 
to  be  there.     These  things,  [  would   do  by  the   necessary  legislation. 

I  would  do  more.  I  would,  in  the  langnage  of  the  gentleman  from 
Mississippi,  Mr.  Chambers,  whose  speech  did  honour  to  himself  as 
well  as  t(»  the  people,  who  sent  him  here,  assist  our  army  "by  tho 
steady  co-operation  of  all  classes  at  home." 

Yes,  Mr.  Speaker,  every  field,  that  is  cultivated,  should  be  with  a 
view  to  feed  our  soldiers;  every  sheep  that  is  sheared, shonld  be  to  make 
clothes  to  warm  them;  every  hide,  that  is  taimed,  shonld  be  to  make 
shoes,  with  which  they  may  be  shod.  If  any  are  to  go  without  shoes, 
or  warm  clotliing,  or  plenty  of  food,  le  it  not  be  those,  who  stand  sen- 
tinel foronr  liberties  in  the  cold,  pelting  rains  of  winter  nights,  but  let 
.•  it  be  those  at  home,  who  can  seek  shelter  from  the  storm,  and  sit 
quietly  and  warm  themselves  by  the  bright  burning  fire. 

Many  classes  at  home,  have  assisted  our  soldiers  by  "steady  co-oper- 
ation." Onr  women  have  toiled  day  and  night — making  clothes,  knit- 
ting socks,  and  wailing  upon  the  sick  and  wounded.  'J'hey  have  sent 
their  husbands  and  sons  into  the  field — telling  them,  though  with  tears 
in  their  eyes,  that  a  hero's  grave  was  to  be  preferred  to  a  coward's 
Ijome.  This  is  co-operation — acceptable  both  to  God  and  man.  Gen- 
erous men  have  contributed  liberally  to  the  support  Of  the  soldiers' 
families,  and  have  seen  their  wants  supplied — this  is  co-operation,  ef- 
.  fectual  CO  operation.  Our  clergy  have  repaired  every  Sunday  morning 
to  the  sanctuary,  and  there  before  Heaven  pron'Htnced  our  cnnse  just, 
and  taught  their  people,  that  next  to  the  service  of  God,  is  the  service 
of  country,  and  that,  he  who  avoided  or  skulked  his  duty  in  such  a 
contest,  was  true,  neither  to  his  country  nor  his  God.  This  is  co-oper- 
|ition»    Tho  Press  throughoul  the  land,  with  rare  exceptions,  have 


'thrown  its  whole  soul  and  strength  into  the  struggle.  Day  after  day, 
has  it  come  to  us  to  cheer  and  animate.  In  seasons  of  depression,  it 
has  revived  onr  hopes.  In  the  day  of  victory  it  has  rejoiced  with  us, 
but  counselled  moderation,  and  admonished  us,  that  the  conflict,  was 
not  over,  and  incited  us  to  hiijher  eflforts  and  nobler  resolves.  It  has 
rendered  our  convictions  of  duty  firm  and  stable,  by  pointing  out  our 
wrongs — shewing  the  perfidy  and  barbarity  of  our  enemy.  It  has 
shewn  us,  that  while  war  is  an  affliction,  Yankee  subjugation  would 
be  a  perpetual  curse,  more  intolerable  than  death  itself  It  has  hunted 
out  uU  skulkers,  and  shamed  hundreds  and  thousands  into  the  army — 
ten  times,  1  verily  believe,  as  many  as  the  whole  number  of  Editors  and 
their  employees^.  This  is  co-operaiion — powerful  co-operation.  Our  army, 
on  more  occasions  than  one,  has  henn  reduced  to  straits  for  supplies — 
our  authorities  have  called  upon  the  people  for  assistance,  and  many 
noble,  unselfish  men,  have  not  only  sent  f>rward  all  their  surplus,  but 
even  trenched  upon  their  necessary  family  supplies.  Our  impressing 
oflicers  have  gone  out,  and  frequently,  either  wantonly  or  through  ig- 
norance, exceeded  their  authority,  and  committed  outrages;  our  people, 
from  a  spirit  of  patriotism,  have  submitted,  or,  if  they  have  com- 
plained, it  was  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  such  acts.  ISow  these  persons 
assist  our  army  by  unselfish  co-operation. 

I  would,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  there  were  none  among  "all  classes  at 
home,"  who  failed  to  co-operate  with  our  ."citizen  soldiery."  The  man 
or  woman,  who  countenances  in  any  way  a  deserter  or  skulker,  or  ad- 
vises the  soldier  to  remain  at  home  aft«r  his  furlough  is  out,  assists  our 
enemy.  The  man,  who  extorts  upon  the  community — upon  the  sol- 
diers or  their  families,  fights  against  us.  The  planter,  who  keeps  back 
part  of  his  tithe,  is  a  robber,  and  steals  from  the  soldiers.  The 
man,  who  gives  in  a  false  list  of  his  property,  and  thereby  avoids  taxa- 
tion, cheats  the  Government.  Such  persons  and  the  like,  co-operate 
against  our  soldiers,  and  do  not  assist.  We  must  have  the  assistance 
of  those  at  home — that  assistance  must  be  steady. 

There  is  another  class,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  by  no  means  a  small  one, 
who  do  not  co-operate  with  our  "citizen  soldiery."  I  allude  to  that 
class  of  critics,  and  fault-finders  at  home,  who  would  have  won  every 
batile,  we  have  lost — avr>ided  every  error  we  have  committed — who  de- 
clared lieau regard  no  General,  because  at  the  first  battle  of  Manassas, 
he  did  not,  wiih  a  handful  of  men,  pursue  and  take  the  whole  Yankee 
army,  and  capture  Washington  to  boot — who  were  vociferous  for  the 
removal  of  Sidney  Johnson,  because  he  did  not  successfully  defend 
Fort  Donelson  and  Nashville  against  overwhelming  forces — who  pro- 
nounced Lee  incompetent,  because  he  could  not  control  the  seasons, 
and  overwhelm  Rosecrans  in  the  mountains  of  Virginia — who  de- 
nounced Jos.  E.  Johnston  because  he  did  not,  with  an  insufficient 
f>rce,  storm  the  breastworks,  cut  through  the  lines  of  Grant,  and  rescue 
Vicksburg;  who  denounced  the  conscript  law  as  unconstitutional  and 
oppressive — declared  the  tax  in  kind  an  outrage,  the  impressment  laws 
oppressive,  our  Government  a  Despotism — and  who  proclaim  the  ad- 
ministration weak,  and  the  President  a  tyrant,  because  thej  do  not  ap- 
prove all,  that  he  does  or  recommends. 

This  class,  Mr.  Speaker,  do  not  assist  our  soldiers,  by  a  "steady  co- 
operation."   I  cast  no  ioaputatioQ  on  their  motives — but  here,  in  the 


IT 

presence  of  this  House  and  before  the  country,  I  charge  that  they  ren- 
der no  assistance  to  our  "citizen  soldiery,"  but,  on  the  contrary,  that 
though  unwittingly,  they  give  aid  and  comfort  to  our  enemie^. 

We  are  all  involved  in  this  great  struggle.  All  are  soldiers,  though 
not  all  in  the  field.  Every  man  has  his  part  to  act.  He  cannot  avoid 
it,  if  he  would.  The  President  is  our  chosen  Leader — upon  him  much 
must  deppnd.  We  are  strong  and  powerful  just  in  proportion  as  we  are 
united  and  harmonious, 

Gonfidence  in  our  leader  is  indispensable.  What  would  be  thought 
of  the  soldier,  who  upon  the  eve  of  battle  should  take  every  occasion 
to  declare  to  his  iellow- soldiers,  "We  are  to  have  a  terrible  conflict — it  is 
for  life  or  death.  I  have  no  confidence  in  our  General.  He  is  weak, 
and  tyrannical,  but  our  cause  is  just,  and  we  must  fight  to  the  death." 
Would  that  be  the  way  to  ensure  victory?  Would  that  strengthen  and 
animate  his  comrades,  or  would  it  discourage  and  weaken  them?  Or 
suppose,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  I  were  to  get  up  in  this  Hall,  and  under  the 
responsibility  which  rests  upon  me,  as  a  member  of  the  Legislativ^e  De- 
partment of  the  Government,  were  to  declare,  that  the  head  of  the 
Executive  Department  was  a  tyrant,  and  our  Government  a  despotism, 
would  1  be  assisting  the  citizen-soldiery  by  steady  co-operation  ?%  Our 
newspapers  are  carried  daily  into  our  camps,  and  are  there  extensively 
read.  1  have  many  constituents  among  the  soldiers — men,  who  have 
confidence  in  me.  They  would  read,  that  I  had  made  these  grave 
charges  against  my  Government.  Might  I  not  well  fear,  sir,  that  I 
should  damp  their  ardour  and  enthusiasm?  Would  it  be  strange,  if 
they  reasoned,  somewhat  in  this  way:  "We  were  brought  here  to  fight 
against  our  enemies,  who  wish  to  destroy  our  liberties.  What  shall  we 
gain  by  it?  Our  representative,  in  whom  we  confide,  tells  us,  there  is 
already  a  despotism  at  home,  a  tyrant  at  the  head  of  it."  Suppose 
some  of  them  deserted,  might  they  not  find  some  palliation  for  their 
grievous  ofience,  in  my  indiscretions?  Have  not  deserters  already  dur- 
ing this  war,  when  they  were  about  to  sufi'er  the  penalty  of  death, 
charged  their  fate  to  the  impraper  teachings  of  men  in  position? 

The  gentleman  from  Mississippi  is  right;  our  army  must  be  sustained 
by  the  steady  co-operation  of  all  classes  at  home. 

But  it  is  asked,  would  you  sustain  measures  you  cannot  approve? 
By  no  means.  It  is  our  duty  to  oppose  what  our  judgments  cannot  ap- 
prove. We  are  not  men,  if  we  fail  to  do  so.  But  if  we  find  ourselves 
in  a  minority— if  a  majority  of  our  equals  think  the  measure  required 
by  the  public  exigencies,  and  that  they  have  authority  to  pass  it,  and  it 
becomes  the  law  of  the  land,  and  is  sustained  by  the  judiciary,  we 
have  discharged  our  duty,  and  "flagrante  bello"  should  no  longer  war 
against  it.  The  Conscript  law  was  bitterly  opposed;  it  was,  however, 
enacted,  and  its  constitutionality  sustained  by  our  courts.  Was  it  not 
then  the  duty  of  every  good  man,  to  acquiesce  and  heartily  to  assist  in 
its  execution,  as  a  great  war  measure?  Let  us  ditfer  like  men — let  us 
argue  and  debate.  Let  each  man,  with  his  hand  upon  his  heart,  vote 
his  honest  ji^dgment.  After  the  die  is  cast,  let  us  act  like  patriots. 
There  must  be  conflict  of  opinion.  We  can't  all  see  and  think  alike, 
but  obedience  to  law  is  the  duty  of  all,  and  all  can  obey. 

We  hear  gentlemen  declare  on  this  floor  that  our  Government  is  a 
despotism  and  Mr.  Davis  a  tyrant.     iVow,  IMr.   Speaker,  is  this  fair  or 


18 

just  to  the  Executive?  If  our  Government  be  a  despotism,  as  gentle- 
men would  have  us  believe,  who  made  it  so?  The  Conscript  law 
j»ives  control  over  the  persons  of  all  from  17  to  50 — the  Impressment 
and  Tax  laws  over  the  property  of  the  country.  By  these  laws  power 
is  given  over  the  purse  and  sword.  Are  these  gentlemen  opposed  to 
putting  men  in  the  army — opposed  to  arming,  feeding,  and  clothing 
them?  If  not — if  they  agree  that  we  must  have  soldiers,  and  that  they 
must  be  fed  and  clothed,  do  they  not  know  that  the  President,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, must,  under  our  Constitution,  have  control  of  the 
army  and  its  supplies  ?  Is  not,  therefore,  opposition  to  the  President 
on  this  ground,  opposition  to  the  war  itself? 

Besides,  who  conferred  these  powers  on  the  President?  He  has  not 
usurped  them — his  enemies  have  not  charged  him  with  usurpation. 
Congress — you — the  Representatives  of  the  people,  in  their  name  and 
behalf,  have  conferred  them.  And  yet  he  is  treated  as  if  he  exercised 
these  great  war  powers  without  authority.  J  repeat,  you  cannot  defend 
the  country  without  men  and  money — you  cannot,  under  the  Consti- 
tution, place  men  and  money  in  other  hands  than  the  President's.  To 
arraign  him,  therefore,  on  this  account,  is  to  oppose  the  prosecution  of 
the  v^r. 

No  one  dreamed,  when  hostilities  commenced,  that  we  should,  at 
the  expiration  of  near  four  years,  be  still  involved  in  one  of  the  bloodi- 
est and  most  gigantic  wars  that  ever  shook  the  earth.  We  began  with- 
out an  organized  government — without  the  munitions  of  war — without 
triends  and  without  money.  We  have  had  unnumbered  difficulties  and 
obstacles  to  encounter — all  the  forms  of  government  for  the  civil  and 
military  departments  to  institute,  and  ten  thousand  and  more  officers  to 
appoint,  and  send  to  every  corner  of  the  Confederacy;  and  all  the  com- 
plex machinery  of  government  to  set  in  motion;  and  this,  too,  in  time 
of  war.  No  man  born  of  woman,  could  have  accomplished  all  this, 
without  committing  many  grave  and  serious  blunders  and  errors,  and 
making  many  bad  appointments. 

And  how  unreasonable  are  many  of  our  complaints.  A  Quarter- 
master is  guilty  of  corruption  in  office— an  Impressing  agent  exceeds 
liis  authority  and  oppresses.  Instead  of  preferring  charges  against 
them,  and  furnishing  the  evidence  to  sustain  the  charges,  we  abuse  the 
Government.  Is  this  right  ?  Have  any  of  the  Departments  refused  to 
cause  investigations  to  be  made,  and  the  guilty  to  be  punished  ?  How- 
can  they  act  until  charges  are  preferred  ? 

When  I  hear  gentlemen  indulge  in  denunciation  and  invective,  I  am 
astounded.  It  seems  to  me  they  act  as  if  they  thought  we  were  en- 
gaged in  ordinary  party  conflicts,  and  that  in  order  to  ensure  the  success 
of  their  party,  they  should  render  their  adversary  as  odious  as  possible. 
Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  deeply  pained  at  such  exhibitions.  I  have  continually 
resting  upon  my  mind  the  absorbing  conviction  that  the  whole  re- 
sources of  the  country,  and  our  united  and  harmonious  counsels,  are 
all  necessary  to  our  salvation  in  this  great  struggle.  I  cannot  escape 
this  conviction.  We  have  no  energies  to  waste  in  internal  strife.  We 
should  have  no  blows  to  inflict,  except  upon  our  enemies.  We  cannot 
strike  our  Government  without  striking  ourselves.  We  cannot  weaken 
it  without  weakening  ourselves  It  is  our  Government — Mr.  Davis  is 
our  President.     If  we  refuse  to  aid  and  sustain  him  in  his  office,  we 


'  19  ' 

refuse  to  help  ourselves.  If  we  destroy  confidence  in  him,  we  peril 
our  own  existence  as  a  people.  Under  him  we  must  achieve  our  in- 
dependence, or  under  him  go  down  and  live  under  the  most  galling  and 
iiumiliating  despotism.  To  undertake,  therefore,  to  hold  him  up  to 
'  ^he  public  indignation — to  denounce  him  as  a  tyrant,  and  our  Govern- 
ment as  a  tyranny,  because  Congress  confers  upon  him  during  this  war 
extraordinary  powers,  is  to  sport  and  trifle  with  the  question  of  our 
independence. 

But,  if  under  the  influence  of  our  passions  or  prejudices,  we  deny 
the  Executive  justice,  for  mercy's  sake  let  us  not  forget  our  bleeding 
country.  Let  us  hold,  if  we  cannot  strike  him  without  striking  our 
country.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  not  speaking  as  the  personal  friend  of 
Mr.  Davis-^I  am,  as  you  know,  sir,  unacquainted  with  him,  having 
been  introduced  to  him  by  you  since  the  meeting  of  Congress — I  am 
his  friend,  because  I  am  the  friend  of  our  cause.  But  were  1  his  veri- 
est enemy,  I  would  in  this  hour  of  trial,  use  my  utmost  endeayours  to 
sustain  and  uphold  him  in  his  administration.  He  deserves,  and  I  be- 
lieve has,  the  confidence  of  the  country — I  judge  him  by  'his  acts — I 
have  observed  an  unwavering  devotion  to  his  countr}'-,  and  have  never 
discovered  J  nor  have  others  shown,  a  disposition  to  usurp  powers  not 
conferred.  On  the  contrary,  he  has  been  sparing  in  the  exercise  of 
the  powers  conferred  upon  him.  He  has  exhibited  moderation  and  for- 
titude throughout  his  administration,  and  has,  I  verily  believe,  laboured 
to  advance  and. secure  the  independence  and  happiness  of  his  country. 
That  he  has  committed  errors — that  like  other  men,  he  has  imperfec- 
tions, 1  doubt  none  would  sooner  admit  than  himself.  Were  1  to  de- 
nounce such  a  man,  and  thus,  so  far  as  my  limited  influence  may  e.:- 
tend,  impair  confidence  in  the  Government,  I  should  feel  that,  so  far 
from  assisting  our  army,  I  was,  in  truth,  '^giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the 
enemy." 

It  is  refreshing  to  turn  from  the  complaining,  fault-finding  critics  at 
home,  to  the  more  impartial  abroad.  Even  our  enemies  declare  their 
respect  for  the  Rebel  President,  while  foreigners,  struck  with  his  ^'mod- 
eration, firmness  and  statemanship,"  have  been  constant  in  his  praises. 
But  it  is  for  the  sake  of  our  country — not  for  the  sake  of  Mr.  Davis — 
that  I  beg  gentlemen  to  give  his  administration  a  just  and  generous 
support. 

I  have  thus  attempted  to  show  that  it  is  our  duty,  as  legislators,  to 
sustain  our  army,  by  rendering  a  generous  support  to  the  administra- 
tion. It  is  not  less  the  duty  of  the  Executive,  to  cheer  and  animate 
the  army  by  all  appropriate  means.  Ours  is  an  army  of  citizens,  and 
their  sentiments  and  feelings  must  be  consulted  and  respected. 

The  President,  who  is  Commander-in  Chief,  would  be  direlect,  were 
he^o  heed  temporary  clamour  or  excitement.  Such  a  course  would  not 
only  be  unjust,  but  would  freqaenlly  result  in  detriment  to  the  public 
interests.  But  whenever  it  is  ascertained  that  any  officer  in  command 
of  an  army  becomes  obnoxious  to  the  men  and  officers,  and  that  this 
feeling  is  settled  and  fixed,  it  is  ])lainly,  it  seems  to  me,  his  duty,  no 
matter  what  may  be  his  individual  opinions,  no  longer  to  continue  such 
officer  in  command  of  that  army.  And  so,  if  it  should  become  mani- 
fest that  a  particular  army,  with  great  unanimity,  desire  a  certain 
General  to  command  them,   and  the  country  generally  participate  in 


20 

this  desire,  I  cannot  doubt  that  it  would  be  the  part  of  wisdonj^,  no 
less  than  of  duty,  that Tbe  Executive  should  defer  to  such  desire— nor 
can  I  doubt  that  in  such  case  our  Executive  would  gracefully  do  §o. 
I  can  imagine  no  step  so  likely  to  restore  confidence,  and  cheer  and^ 
animate  our  army. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  done.  The  courtesy  of  this  House,  in  postpone- 
ing  the  order  of  the  day,  to  permit  me  to  conclude  my  remarks,  has 
placed  me  under  obligations  which  1  shall  not  forget.  I  promise  not  to 
abuse  this  mark  of  kindness  by  presuming  upon  it  herealter. 


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